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Has SA been saved from Zuma?

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Save SA members protest at Church Square in Pretoria. They occupied the square to show their rejection of Jacob Zuma’s Cabinet reshuffle in October last year. Picture: Felix Dlangamandla
Save SA members protest at Church Square in Pretoria. They occupied the square to show their rejection of Jacob Zuma’s Cabinet reshuffle in October last year. Picture: Felix Dlangamandla

Has South Africa been saved from Jacob Zuma and his devastating state capture pogrom?

This is a question some of the founders of the Save SA campaign have been discussing, two years after the campaign was launched on November 2 2016 and about six months after the campaign was wound down following Zuma’s removal from office.

Save SA was launched in the heat of state capture, at a time when Pravin Gordhan, Ivan Pillay and others were about to be prosecuted on trumped-up charges intended to consolidate the grip of Zuma’s cohorts on the levers of power.

More than 2 000 people – representing civil society, labour, business and political parties (including the brave then Gauteng ANC leader Paul Mashatile) – gathered in Pretoria to launch Save SA and to say no to Zuma, no to state capture and no to the sale of our sovereignty.

As we look back two years later it is informative to reflect on how South Africa has changed – almost entirely for the good, but still facing massive challenges – since the Save SA campaign was launched.

The most useful measurement for this exercise is the set of minimum demands published by Save SA early last year.

The minimum demands were focused on Zuma’s removal – which, thankfully, was achieved at Nasrec in December last year, barely a year after Save SA was launched – but included several forward-looking proposals to ensure the state itself was recaptured and power was returned to the people’s representatives.

Let’s run a “report card” on these demands, first on those that have been met and/or partly satisfied:

. Save SA’s demand for a judicial commission of inquiry into state capture has been met, although the additional demand for the dismissal of all those found to be involved in corrupt activity will probably be satisfied only once the Zondo commission has completed its business;

. Good progress has been made in meeting the demand for the restoration of credibility in the criminal justice system.

Granted, a new head still needs to be appointed for the National Prosecuting Authority – but the process (highly problematic gender imbalances notwithstanding) seems to be progressing.

With this, the new SA Police Service commissioner Khehla Sitole was appointed towards the end of Zuma’s reign and has displayed some commitment to doing the right thing.

And a full review of the State Security Agency is under way, designed in part to depoliticise one of Zuma’s most powerful bases.

The Hawks has a new head, Godfrey Lebeya, who is by all accounts a vast improvement on Berning Ntlemeza.

Disappointingly, some of these processes have not been transparent – which means an opportunity has been lost to restore public confidence in government.

. Save SA’s demand for the appointment of credible leaders has in large part been met, starting with the election of President Cyril Ramaphosa and others in key economic and security institutions linked to the fight against corruption.

The changes to the economic cluster are a breath of fresh air, including Tito Mboweni as head of Treasury and Pravin Gordhan at public enterprises; Tom Moyane has been fired from the SA Revenue Service and Mark Kingon appears to be doing an excellent job in trying to rescue the agency from the damage caused by his predecessor in concert with Bain management consulting and others.

Thankfully, there is now an investigation under way into the Public Investment Corporation, which has many questions to answer about its handling of public funds – not least its involvement in VBS. No doubt more needs to be done.

. There has been significant change in response to a key civil society demand for full investigations into corruption and mis-governance in state-owned companies and parastatals.

Four key entities – Transnet, Eskom, the Passenger Rail Agency of SA and Denel – have new boards in place and this has generally been accompanied by the removal of dodgy officials, such as Brian Molefe, Anoj Singh and others.

While many of these changes are welcome, it would have been better if transparent appointment processes were followed because some of the appointees are tarnished by the ugly brush of corruption.

The final minimum demand – for public affirmation by all political parties of the independence of the judiciary and the integrity of chapter 9 institutions – still has to materialise and it is important that this item stays on the public agenda.

It is welcoming, though, that the new government respects court rulings and keeps the executive out of the courts.

Although Save SA’s demands were primarily short term, they included a broader vision, including a commitment from all political parties that legislation will be tabled governing transparency in party political funding.

This has been supported by the ANC and the DA (although, not surprisingly, not from the VBS-embroiled Economic Freedom Fighters).

With elections pending next year, we urge the president to sign this into law without further delay.

In addition, Save SA demanded all political parties must publicly commit to subject their public representatives to lifestyle audits.

Although the public rhetoric of our leaders supports this, it remains in need of support so that we may avoid the many conflicts of interest that arose from state capture and the frenzied bout of thieving it encouraged.

Beyond Save SA’s minimum demands, there have been other encouraging signs of progress in entrenching democracy and disrupting corruption.

These include some of Ramaphosa’s Cabinet changes, which have upgraded the quality of leadership in the economic and security clusters; many state capture champions remain in place, however, including Nomvula Mokonyane, Bathabile Dlamini, Malusi Gigaba and others.

In addition, a number of issue-specific gatherings have been held to examine some of the more pressing legacy issues identified by the Save SA campaign, including summits on jobs, health, gender-based violence and investment.

So what are the lessons from all this?

First, that a motivated and galvanised civil society can achieve what sometimes seems impossible.

Second, that civil society can make a notable difference in setting the national agenda – not just for protest, but for corrective action that ameliorates the wrongs of the past.

As we approach national and provincial elections next year, it is important that we remember the lessons from the fight against state capture and ensure South Africa is not again put up for sale.

It is also important to remember that people’s power works and that no political system or leader is so big that it is permanently omnipotent.

Finally, it is important to remember that the essence of the Save SA campaign – which is being followed through today in many civil society forums – is that social compacting works and that alliances formed around a common purpose can result in significant change.

Differences can be put aside in the interests of the greater good and new, albeit temporary, alliances can be formed and new unities forged.

And, crucially, that the people can and must determine their own destiny.

Because, as we used to say at Save SA rallies across the country: “A people united can never be defeated.”

. Pityana was convener of the Save SA campaign

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